Tuesday, February 1, 2011

Commuting with the City Mouse

Steinhöwel's woodcut, Basel, 1501  
The following is the product of my most recent thinking regarding my new project tentatively titled, Veni, Vidi, Wiki: A Prehistory of Digital Textuality.  I'll be presenting this paper at UMass Boston's Research Center for Urban Cultural History (RCUCH) in a couple weeks and would love to workshop this a bit beforehand.

I think this paper speaks to concerns of our group, particularly the effects that the limits of textual environments have on discourse communities.  So please comment!

Here's the abstract (aka short version) if you don't have the patience for the rest:

Commuting with the City Mouse: Aesop's Fables and Academic Commentary

The instant message poses a formidable threat to literary interpretation.  While texting may contribute to recent demands for abbreviation, the desire for the instant message predates digital technology and has long plagued teachers' attempts to cultivate extended conversations about classroom texts.  The common readerly attraction to singularity and brevity often belies the interpretive multiplicity necessary for academic dialogue.  Perhaps no genre fully satisfies this appetite for the message more than the Aesopic fable.  Each brief fable is accompanied by a concise moral that readers can easily consume.  Yet, fabular interpretation has not always been so digestible.  In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries throughout Europe, Aesop's fables were standard classroom texts that offered more than a kernel of moral advice.  As staples of grammar and composition instruction, readers paraphrased and elaborated upon the fables in extensive commentaries, which served as medieval hypertexts that subsequent readers could read, associate with other classroom texts, and extend through marginal and interlineal glosses.  The medieval fable then offered the opportunity for practice in literary elaboration and collaborative constructions of knowledge, a far cry from the instant message we have to come to associate with Aesopica.  Furthermore, this model of medieval fabular reading is based on the same principles as user-friendly digital environments such as blogs and wikis, within which commentary can be produced at an unprecedented rate.  This paper suggests that these modes of digital elaboration and dialogue recall and remediate medieval fabular reading and writing practices.  While the restrictions of print culture reduced and often eliminated commentary, the digital network drastically expands the field of interpretation for literary texts.   In particular, the wiki offers a cyberspace within which students and teachers can compile commentary about course texts outside of the classroom.  Most importantly, the inscription of classroom dialogue onto this digital palimpsest can mitigate the challenges of maintaining cohesive academic communities on a commuter campus such as UMass Boston.  As a new form of fable commentary, wiki-writing can attenuate the desire for the instant message and develop a new respect for the virtues of collaborative elaboration.

Alex Mueller
English Department
alex.mueller@umb.edu

Commuting with the City Mouse: Aesop's Fables and Academic Commentary

            I begin with a tale that most of us know from the picture books of childhood, "The City Mouse and the Country Mouse":
            
A city mouse once happened to pay a visit to the house of a country mouse where he was served a humble meal of acorns. The city mouse finished his business in the country and by means of insistent invitations he persuaded the country mouse to come pay him a visit.  The city mouse then brought the country mouse into a room that was overflowing with food. As they were feasting on various delicacies, a butler opened the door. The city mouse quickly concealed himself in a familiar mouse hole, but the poor country mouse was not acquainted with the house and frantically scurried around the floorboards, frightened out of his wits. When the butler had taken what he needed, he closed the door behind him. The city mouse then urged the country mouse to sit back down to dinner.  The country mouse refused and said, "How could I possibly do that? Oh, how scared I am! Do you think that the man is going to come back?" This was all that the terrified mouse was able to say. The city mouse insisted, "My dear fellow, you could never find such delicious food as this anywhere else in the world." "'Acorns are enough for me," the country mouse maintained, "so long as I am secure in my freedom!" 
It is better to live in self-sufficient poverty than to be tormented by the worries of wealth.[1]
This last line, better known as the moral, is what we have come to learn is the payoff for such a fanciful tale of two talking mice.  We are provided a simple and seemingly straightforward message, a kind of acorn of a lesson that we can take away from the story and easily consume.  And yet, as teachers of academic interpretation, we see the manifest limitations of this reduction of the tale's meaning to a simple aphorism about poverty and wealth.  In fact, it's often difficult not to blame such instant message-driven (pun intended) interpretation that we witness in student responses to course texts on the precepts of moralistic fable reading.  We're all familiar with the pervasive sentiment not only that is there something tangible to be obtained from reading, but also that it is often one thing, often practical, often simplistic.  Fables fulfill, it seems, some readers' greatest fantasy: a brief, easily understandable interpretation.
            For even others, this desire for the message is even stronger within the dynamic world of ever shifting cyberspace.  If you read a popular book and then google it, you will be faced with an overwhelming number of hits that cite interpretations offered by a range of readers, from credentialed specialists to enthusiastic amateurs.  And on the Internet many potential dangers to interpretation seemingly await, from the error-ridden Wikipedia page to the apparently brilliant, but plagiarized, article.  So many acorns, but which one to choose?  It is tempting to become country mice and seek the solitude and assurance of something printed, like the The Reader's Digest.  The multiplicity of meaning inherent in the digital network seems to be in direct contrast with fable reading.  I want to suggest that this is not the case, however.  Rather, I want to argue that online practices such as blogging and wiki-writing are based on the textual principles that made fables the most persistent literary genre in reading and writing instruction.  And furthermore, I want to suggest that these digital textualities remediate fabular reading in a way that can enhance collaborative knowledge production in our classrooms, particularly for commuting city mice, such as our students at UMass Boston.
            I have selected the word "commuting" to address the concerns of a commuter campus like ours, which must take extraordinary measures to maintain cohesive academic communities.  As I will suggest at the end of this paper, collaborative writing environments, such as the blog or wiki, offer new modes for us to continue and enhance (not replace) the conversations we have in our classrooms.  To demonstrate this, I want to delve into the archaeology of "commuting" a bit further by recognizing its Latin root, commutare, which means "to change, to exchange" or even "to converse."[2]  This premodern meaning imbues "commuting" with the discursive sensibility that I also attempt to foster in the classroom.  Unfortunately, the commuting student is often difficult to commute with.  The antiquity of commutare also invokes the classroom of the Middle Ages, where the teaching of fables was a staple for grammar and composition instruction.  And as it turns out, the kinds of readings students were encouraged to pursue were ones that were continually "commuted" or subject to revision within the academic communities that examined them.        
            To identify the affinities between digital and fabular literate practices, it's important to understand that fable interpretation has not always been reduced to an instant message.  In fact, if we examine the history of Aesop's fables, we discover not only that there is no single set of interpretations for each fable, but also that there is no single set of fables themselves.  No original Greek Aesop has ever been sufficiently identified, and instead his status as the "author" was fashioned in Latin by a number of ancient and medieval translators known as Phaedrus, Avianus, and Romulus, who individually invoked Aesop as a means to "authorize" their versions.[3]  Thus, the students and teachers of the Middle Ages, who effectively canonized Aesop as the author of these beast fables, only knew Aesop's fables in their later and Latin forms. 
            Unlike our common desire for singularity, however, the manuscripts that contain the fables demonstrate little preference for one set of fables over the other.  For example, one fourteenth-century Austrian manuscript, Codex Vindobonensis Palatinus 303, is a veritable cornucopia of Aesopica, containing six different versions, and even one set, known as the prose Romulus, appears twice.[4]  The first time the prose Romulus fables appear, they appear as promythia, or prefaces to a metrical version known as the elegiac Romulus.[5]  Given their appearance later in the manuscript, it is likely that these promythia were written by students in an attempt to demonstrate their knowledge of the fable tradition, which would require that they know the variations of each fable.  As Willene Clark notes, it was common pedagogical practice after the twelfth century for pupils to produce paraphrases and imitations of texts as a means to learn grammatical rules, identify rhetorical tropes, and improve their writing fluency.  In response to fables, students would often compose promythia, prose introductions, or epimythia, prose conclusions that served as moralitates or "morals."[6]  Of course, the fact that this was common practice does not provide assurance that the promythia in Codex Vindobonensis Palatinus 303 were written by a student, but a comparison of the two sets of prose Romulus fables further suggests that an amateur – whose knowledge of the tradition was incomplete – produced the first series.  For example, if we turn to the promythium for "De lupo et agno" [The wolf and the lamb], we find both a repetition and an omission indicative of a tentative understanding of the standard fable.  The writer repeats the phrase "sursum bibebat lupus" [the wolf was drinking upstream] (fol. 13r) and then omits the final summative line "Haec in illos dicta est fabula qui hominibus calumniantur" [this fable is written about those who falsely accuse others] that appears at the end of the later prose Romulan fable (fol. 132r).  Furthermore, the error-ridden promythia are accompanied by numerous marginal glosses, which suggest moments of teacherly intervention.  This is an extreme example, but this kind of redundancy became the rule, rather than the exception, throughout the Middle Ages.  If we follow the textual history of these fables into the early print era, we see that the earliest printed book of fables, compiled by Heinrich Steinhöwel and printed by Johann Zainer at Ulm in 1476 or 1477, contains not only the curricular versions of Romulus and Avianus, but also selections of the popular fables of Rinuccio d'Arezzo, Petrus Alphonsus, and Poggio Bracciolini.[7]  In a later, probably 1481, printing by Heinrich Knoblochtzer in Strassburg, the elegiac Romulus is also followed by prose summaries that are reminiscent of the epimythia, or prose epilogues, of the medieval classroom.[8]  By 1501 Steinhöwel's collection had been expanded to three hundred fables by the famous schoolmaster Sebastian Brant.[9]  The encyclopedic compilation of fables had clearly become the norm by the late fifteenth century, but this emphasis on accretion, over condensation, would soon come to an end as the printing industry became increasingly selective in their choice of texts.
            The death knell may have been sounded even earlier with the first publication of Steinhöwel's collection, which included German translations of the Latin fables.  This edition, which only survives in ten copies, proved to be the only bilingual one.  After its publication the collection was split into two separate editions, one German and one Latin.[10]  The intervention of the vernacular seems to have begun the canonization of Steinhöwel's version, because many other national languages followed suit.  Julien Macho's translation of Steinhöwel's collection into French, which appeared in print in 1480 in Lyon, in turn served as William Caxton's base text for his English Aesop, which was published in 1484.[11]  By 1485 a Dutch translation was printed in Gouda and by 1488 a Spanish translation was printed in Toulouse.[12]  The fate of Aesop was now in the hands of printers, who effectively vernacularized and popularized the predominantly Latin academic tradition, leaving the curricular fables such as the elegiac Romulus, which could previously be elaborated upon by students and teachers in the margins of classroom manuscripts, in a typeset form that could only be changed or expanded at the behest and cost of printing houses.    
            Appropriately, the slowed growth of the Aesopic corpus corresponds with the ossification of standard interpretations of individual fables.  The best example of this phenomenon in the late fifteenth century is the emergence of what has become known as the Esopus moralizatus.  This text, which is limited to the elegiac Romulus collection, contains academic commentaries that provide both moral and allegorical interpretations between, and sometimes in the margin of, each fable.  Its accommodation of academic interpretation within the text itself reflects the long-standing medieval practice of leaving adequate space in the margins of the manuscript page for glosses and commentary by teachers or students.  The print versions of the Esopus moralizatus, however, differ from their medieval predecessors in that they only include the interpretations of one commentator.  A.E. Wright characterizes this commentary tradition to be "brief, simple, and predictable," which he suggests was likely "a result of the not inconsiderable technological challenges to be overcome in the reproduction of complex manuscript layouts on the printed page."[13]  The prospect of printing unruly and lengthy commentaries, which often appeared in the margins, between lines, and even between selections of text, was surely formidable and it is no surprise that printers chose more manageable and standardized forms for their editions.  Edward Wheatley suggests that these printed Aesops "represent only the final, fossilized form of what had earlier been a dynamic interpretive tradition: further reader response of the type in which medieval scribes engaged, that is, marginalia, remains largely absent from the printed editions that contained their own commentaries."[14]  Just as the accumulation and replication of fables had been more volatile, so too had been their interpretations.    
            In fact, the commentary of the earlier medieval classroom often displaced the fables themselves.  For example, in one mid-fifteenth-century manuscript, Codex Claustroneoburgensis 1093, the commentary that accompanies the elegiac Romulus is so lengthy that it overwhelms the fables inscribed in the middle of the pages.  Even the prologue to the fables had to be divided into two parts to accommodate the effusive exegesis (fol.s 350v-52r).[15]  In another fifteenth-century manuscript, Codex Vindobonensis Palatinus 3235, the glosses, marginalia, and even maniculae are so pervasive that the commentary is occasionally indistinguishable from the fables (see especially fol. 1r).[16]  The most extreme example of commentary displacing fable, however, can be found in the fourteenth-century Codex S. Pauli in Carinthia 255/4, in which only the first two words, or lemma, of each fable are cited.[17]  This was apparently sufficient identification of the fables, which were likely memorized in the classroom.  The rest of the text is entirely devoted to commentary upon each fable.  This excessive emphasis on commentary is so widespread in the existing manuscripts that Wheatley even goes so far as to suggest that the elegiac Romulus may have been composed specifically for the pedagogical production of classroom commentaries.[18]  If this is the case, the text serves the commentary, overturning the standard assumption that interpretation is extraneous to its object.  In the case of the medieval fable, the commentary completes the text.
            And if we turn to the content of these medieval commentaries, we discover that the complex and discursive nature of the interpretations they contain is a far cry from the instant-messages we have come to expect from Aesopica.  As a representative example, let us turn to one of the most well-known fables, "The Crow and the Water Jar":
A thirsty crow noticed a huge jar and saw that at the very bottom there was a little bit of water. For a long time the crow tried to spill the water out so that it would run over the ground and allow her to satisfy her tremendous thirst. After exerting herself for some time in vain, the crow grew frustrated and applied all her cunning with unexpected ingenuity: as she tossed little stones into the jar, the water rose of its own accord until she was able to take a drink. 
This fable shows us that thoughtfulness is superior to brute strength, since this is the way that the crow was able to carry her task to its conclusion.[19]
Like "The City Mouse and the Country Mouse," this tale is accompanied by a pithy moral, suggesting that reason, not might, makes right.  If we examine medieval commentaries on this particular fable, we will find a similar interpretation, but in an elaborated form.  For example, a fourteenth-century Copenhagen manuscript contains the following interpretation: "Ingentem.  Hic docet quod ingenium preualet uiribus, et hoc per coturnicem que dum sitiret in quodam campo urnam semiplenam aqua inuenit, quam uiribus inclinare non potuit.  Sed eam ingenio lapillis inpleuit et istam aquam extraxit.  Fructus talis est: Melior est sapiens forti uiro" (fol. 139r) [Ingentem.  Here he teaches that cleverness is better than strength; and he teaches that through a quail, which, when it was thirsty, found an urn half-full of water in a field, and it could not tip the urn.  But using its cleverness, it filled it with stones and drew out the water.  The moral is this: The wise man is better than the strong].[20]  Like the Carinthian manuscript discussed above, this Copenhagen codex only includes the lemma, or incipit, of each fable, which in this case is the word ingentem.  As Wright suggests, "the lemma is absolutely indispensable, not only serving the proper alignment of primary text and annotation, but also providing the internal articulation of the commentary accomplished in the other manuscripts by the regular alternation of prose with verse fables."[21]  What Wright calls "proper alignment" I could call the hypertextual displacement of the fable itself by its commentary, which is clearly deemed to be more important.  Furthermore, a reader of this codex would have been expected to associate this commentary or read it along with other manuscripts that contained these fables.
            Nevertheless, is the interpretation of the fable in this commentary significantly different from our current understanding of the fable's meaning?  A quick comparison will tell us "no," since both suggest that wisdom is better than strength.  Yet, if we collate these with other medieval commentaries, we find elaborations on its moral significance, which was associated with praxis in the Middle Ages.  In fact, the standard hermeneutic framework was fourfold, following the exegetical formula: "Lictera gesta refert, quod credas aligoria / Moralis quod agas, quod speres anagogia" [The literal presents the acts, the allegorical that which you ought to believe, the moral what you ought to do, the anagogical what you ought to hope].  Usually applied to biblical exegesis, these lines appear in a fourteenth-century fable collection in Biblioteca Marciana MS 4018, which suggests that fables themselves expressed multiple levels of theological meaning.[22]  The "moral" or "what you ought to do" is privileged over the other three modes in fable interpretation and commentators articulate the moralitas of each fable in diverse ways.  In response to "The Crow and the Water Jar," one commentator in a fifteenth-century Wrocław manuscript claims that "in hoc appologo docemur quod multa sunt que citius fiunt per artem quam per vires" (fol. 130r) [in this fable we learn that there are many things which can be done more quickly by skill than by strength].[23]  Here we have moved from the ontological realm of being wise or strong to the practical world of doing things with wisdom or strength.  And in other commentaries we find even more urgent moralitates such as the following: "Hic monet nos ut studiosius acquiramus scientiam quam vires, quia magis proficit" (fol. 9r) [Here he urges us that we be more eager to acquire knowledge than power, because it is more useful].[24]  While the previous commentator stresses the efficiency of skill, this commentator emphasizes knowledge, both its acquisition and utility. 
            And yet other commentaries become elaborations or compilations, incorporating both proverbial and homiletic material.  In addition to the standard preference of wisdom over strength, the commentator of a Munich manuscript recites a relevant proverb: "Vnde: Homo sepe vincit illa per sapientiam que per vires non faceret.  Eciam monet nos ut studiosius sapientia et ingenio insistamus magis quam viribus" (fol. 228v) [Whence the saying: A man often conquers with knowledge those things that he could not do by force.  This also urges us to rely more on wisdom and cleverness than on strength.].[25]  This inclusion of a similar maxim adds credence to the message of the fable and reflects the accretive nature of academic commentary.  A more radical example of this accumulation of evidence can be found in a fifteenth-century codex in Budapest: "In hoc appollogo auctor docet nos quod queramus prudenciam, dicens 'Tu debes scire quod prudencia est maior viribus et prevalet eam, quia per sapienciam vincet homo qui viribus vincere non posset.'  Ideo subiungit dicens quod sapiencia complet opus cuiuslibet hominis inceptum.  Vnde Salomon Prouerbiorum: 'Potencior est sapiencia'" (fol. 15r) [In this fable the author teaches us that we should seek knowledge, saying, "You should know that knowledge is greater than strength and more valuable, because with wisdom a man can attain what he cannot with strength."  He continues saying that wisdom accomplishes the task begun by anyone.  Thus Solomon in the Proverbs: "Wisdom is stronger"].[26]  The apparent redundancy of this interpretation should remind us of the repetitious nature of the fables themselves.  Yet the commentator cleverly turns the idea of strength (viribus) upon itself by suggesting not only that wisdom (sapiencia) is greater than strength, but also that it is stronger (potencior) than strength itself.  By elaborating upon the basic principle "knowledge is greater than strength" (prudencia est maior viribus), the commentator interrogates the very nature of strength itself, a philosophical investigation that surely transcends simplistic interpretations so often associated with fables.
            Moreover, medieval commentators dare to go further than this, revising the fables themselves within their commentaries to suit their particular contexts or audiences.  Consider the following fifteenth-century commentary in a codex held in the University Library at Prague: "Ingentem sitiens.  Hic actor ostendit quod prudencia est melior et maior viribus.  Ergo studiosius admonet ut sciamus et prudenciam acquiramus, quod probat dicens: Quedam sitiens cornix volans per campum venit ad vnum fontem, quem circa vidit pendere vnam vrnam in qua modicum aque fuit, quam haurire non valebat.  Post hec cupiens effundere vrnam planis campis, quia cornix nusquam potuit inclinare, tandem invenit sua arte calliditatem, et congregans lapillos in vrnam misit.  Quibus immissis aqua sursum ascendit et sic habuit facilem viam potandi (fol. 22r) [Ingentem sitiens.  Here the author demonstrates that wisdom is better and greater than strength.  Thus he urges us quite eagerly that we know that we should seek wisdom, which he shows by saying: A thirsty crow, flying across a field, came to a well, above which it saw a bucket hanging in which there was little water, which it could not pour out.  Then, hoping to spill the vessel onto the ground, because the crow could not tip it, it nevertheless thought up a strategy in its cleverness; and gathering pebbles it dropped them into the bucket.  When they had been put in, the water rose up, and thus the crow had an easy way to drink].[27]  If we compare the plot details of this commentary with the fable itself, we find a number of novelties, which not only appeal to the sensibilities of their academic audiences, but also prove to become standard elements in the future versions of the fable.  As Wright puts it, "The conciseness of the verse fables . . . can verge on narrative reticence, and it can in fact come as no surprise that the late medieval annotators should have taken advantage of the freedom afforded them by the conventions of their own genre to introduce in the commentaries new motivations, causalities, or simple embellishments lacking in the verse fables."[28]  In this case, the thirst of the bird and the method of quenching it are given explanations through implication and elaboration: the bird has just flown over a field (per campum) and seeks refreshment from a bucket (urnam) that hangs above a well (fontem).  It is clear that the word urna, which appears in the original fable and likely referred to a funerary urn, caused confusion for the reader that this commentator sought to clarify by characterizing it as an urn, or bucket, that hung above the well.  And as it turns out, this addition of the bucket and well persisted in the Aesopic tradition, as is evidenced by its appearance later in the same century in the woodcut that accompanies this fable in the many printed versions and translations of Steinhöwel's Aesop.[29] 
            This kind of textual elaboration, and its influence on subsequent fable writing and commentary, suggests that the fable commentary tradition's dynamic and expandable nature was an essential component of its academic use.  An example from the commentary in an Erfurt manuscript demonstrates how even the fable of "The Crow and the Water Jar" itself can serve as a metaphor for the collaborative construction of knowledge.  The commentator adds the following pedagogical summary to an interpretation of the fable: "Licet sicud cornix non potuit effundere vrnam, sic nullus scholaris studens potest quamlibet scientiam acquirere; set potest acquirere aliquam partem scientie si proiciat lapidem, id est si adhibit laborem et dilegenciam" (fol. 35r) [Just as the crow could not spill the urn, so no student can attain any knowledge he desires; but he can acquire a certain portion of knowledge if he throws in the stone, that is to say if he applies effort and diligence].[30]  Here the commentator warns readers that complete knowledge of anything is not achievable through individual pursuits.  Instead, students can acquire knowledge by contributing stones, or offering their own efforts to the collaborative cause.   A revision of this fable, which survives in at least two fifteenth-century manuscripts, even goes so far as to compare the act of writing itself to the accumulation of pebbles in a water-filled bucket: "Versus cev scribit, taliter arte bibit" [In the same way as the author writes verses, so the crow drinks by skill].[31]  Written elaboration and revision are construed as the means to the attainment of knowledge.  Wright aptly explains that, "Here the act of writing is described as a process of patient accretion similar to the crow's gathering of pebbles," but I would take this a step further to suggest that this line characterizes the entire enterprise of writing fable commentary, which necessarily involves responding both to the individual fable and to the larger and ever expanding corpus of fabular interpretation.[32]  Consider the words of the medieval rhetorician Geoffrey of Vinsauf who, in teaching the rhetorical method of amplificatio or what we would call "elaboration," beseeches his students to accumulate words and phrases in the manner of the crow: "sic ex modica maxima crescit aqua" [And so, from a little water, much water arises].[33]  If each fable is a "little water" (modica aqua), the contributions of the commentators produce much water (maxima aqua) from which future fable readers will satisfy their thirst for knowledge.
            One of those future fable readers was the late-fifteenth-century Scottish schoolmaster, Robert Henryson, who composed his own English fables and commentaries that adopt the virtues of amplificatio to the extreme.  If each commentary adds a pebble to the tradition, he tosses in a boulder.  His commentaries, or what are commonly referred to as his moralitates, have been derided by modern critics such as J.A. Burrow, who suggest that they are "at best unpleasing and at worst desperately confusing."[34]  At least some of the bewilderment must originate from Henryson's attempt to combine his revision of well-known fables with an elaboration upon the fable commentary tradition.  And to make matters more complex, Henryson's commentaries often suggest possibilities rather than present answers, using tentative language to articulate his interpretations.  He belies allegorical precision by using subjunctive terms such as "may" or figurative ones such as "liken": "This cok . . . may till ane fule be peir" (141-2)  [This cock . . . may be compared to a fool]; "this cok weill may we call / Nyse proude men" (590-1) [this cock well may we call foolish, proud men]; "This volf I likkin to sensualitie" (1118) [This wolf I liken to sensuality]; and "This selie scheip may present the figure / Of pure commounis" (1258-9) [This innocent sheep may represent the figure of the poor commoner].[35]  By couching his interpretations with such qualified language, Henryson implies that his reading is simply one among many possibilities.[36]  If, for example, we examine his commentary on the fable with which I began, "The City Mouse and the Country Mouse," we witness not only his distinctive narrative voice, but also his penchant for elaboration:
            Blissed be sempill lyfe withoutin dreid;
            Blissed be sober feist in quietie.
            Quha hes aneuch, of na mair hes he neid,
            Thoct it be littill into quantatie.
            Grit aboundance and blind prosperitie
            Oftytmes makis ane euill conclusioun.
            The sweitest lyfe, thairfoir, in this cuntrie,
            Is sickernes, with small possessioun.

            Of wantoun man that vsis for to feid
            Thy wambe, and makis it a god to be;
            Luke to thy self, I warne the weill on deid.
            The cat cummis and to the mous hes ee;
            Quhat is avale thy feist and royaltie,
            With dreidfull hart and tribulatioun?
            Thairfoir, best thing in eird, I say for me,
            Is merry hart with small possessioun.

            Thy awin fyre, freind, thocht it be bot ane gleid,
            It warmis weill, and is worth gold to the;
            And Solomon sayis, gif that thow will reid,
            "Vnder the heuin I can not better se
            Than ay be blyith and leif in honestie."
            Quhairfoir I may conclude be this ressoun:
            Of eirthly ioy it beiris maist degre,
            Blyithnes in hart, with small possessioun.
            (373-96)
[Blessed be a simple life without fear; blessed be a temperate feast in peace.  Whoever has enough, though it is little in quantity, has no need of more.  Great abundance and blind prosperity often produce a bad conclusion.  Therefore, in this country the sweetest life is security with modest possessions.  O greedy man, accustomed to feed your stomach and make it a god, look to yourself, I warn you in all earnest.  That cat comes, and has an eye on the mouse.  What is the use of your feasting and splendor, with a fearful heart and tribulation?  Therefore, the best thing on earth, I say for my part, is a merry heart with modest possessions.  Your own fire, friend, though it is only a coal, warms well, and is worth gold to you.  And Solomon says, if you care to read him, "Under the heaven I can see nothing better than to be always happy and live virtuously."  Wherefore, I may conclude with this saying: "The highest degree of earthly joy comes from blitheness of heart, with modest possessions."]
Henryson begins with "Blissed be sempill lyfe withoutin dreid" (373), the common moralitas of this tale that I read at the beginning of this paper, but this is also his point of departure to a meditation on the blindness that accompanies prosperity and the security that follows from modesty.  Moreover, his focus on " this cuntrie" (379) localizes his interpretation and speaks to the concerns of his audience, a rhetorical move that should remind us of the transformation of the funerary urn to the well and bucket in "The Crow and the Water Jar".  And after this first stanza, he launches into an invective against human greed, ironically quoting one of the richest of Old Testament patriarchs, Solomon, whose proverb shifts the focus from possessions, almost entirely.  Henryson ultimately seems concerned with "Blyithnes in hart" (396), which accompanies modest living.  And yet, when he includes phrases such as "I say for me" (387), "gif that thow will reid" (391), and "I may conclude" (394), he makes it abundantly clear that this is only his interpretation, subject to the volition and scrutiny of his audience.  These elements suggest that Henryson was fully aware of the flexible nature of fable interpretation and that moralitates were rarely codified or closed.
            Henryson's expansion and revision of the standard moralitas, combined with his interpretive flexibility, offer a fitting climax to the historical volatility of the commentary tradition, which would slowly, but surely, become fixed and reduced into the pithy instant messages we have come to expect from Aesop's fables.  In fact, Henryson's fabular commentary represents a fleeting emergence of Roland Barthes' well-known "writerly text" for which "the goal of literary work . . . is to make the reader no longer a consumer, but a producer of the text."[37]  Within this formulation, readers become writers, or in the case of the fables, readers become commentators who write the very text they read.  While this kind of "writerly text" is possible within manuscript culture, in which readers write directly onto the texts they read, the emergence and widespread dissemination of the printed book made this kind communal reading and writing less common.  Martin Foys suggests that it is therefore important to consider "the large part that the cultural and economic dominance of the unvaried, mass-produced, and author-friendly print product plays in constructing the relationships of the written word as fixed, linear, and largely closed to alternative textualities."[38]  While it may not be fair to characterize the printed text as "unvaried," it undoubtedly played a large role in the facilitation of what Barthes calls "the pitiless divorce which the literary institution maintains between the producer of the text and its user, between its owner and its customer, between its author and its reader."[39]  I believe this divorce is never more apparent than when we consider the limits of fabular reading in the modern era.
            Yet, digital textuality offers ways to mediate, or should I say remediate, this divorce through dynamic writing modes such as blogs or wikis, which allow users to read and even revise texts within user-friendly and hyperlinked environments.  Hypertext, what Theodor H. Nelson originally characterized as "non-sequential writing – text that branches and allows choices to the reader . . . a series of text chunks connected by links which offer the reader different pathways," offers the reader a chance to shape the text in ways almost unthinkable within print culture.[40]  While the sheer number of textual itineraries and speed by which they become available to readers offered in the digital age are unprecedented, this kind of textual sensibility, in which the reader actively links texts by association, rather than a linear sequence, is also represented by the principles of late-medieval fabular reading.  Consider the lemma, a textual unit of the first word or phrase of each fable, which serves as a kind of premodern hyperlink.  The reader encounters the lemma, which associates the corresponding text with a particular fable or tradition of fables.  While the reading pathways are relatively limited, especially in comparison to a digital network, the wide variety and variations of each fable, the interlineal glosses, and the marginalia that pervade the commentary tradition suggest that the teachers and students of these texts operated more often by association than by linear sequence.              
Moreover, digital text, as it appears in blogs and wikis, is produced collaboratively and demands contributions from its readers.  Likewise, late-medieval fable texts were completed by their accompanying moralitates, which were actively revised and elaborated upon throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.  As a teacher of literature, I have become increasingly convinced by the virtues of elaboration, especially when it is a collaborative enterprise that encourages multiplicity over singularity in literary interpretation.   I have used course blogs as a means to extend conversations beyond the classroom, but I have discovered that blog entries are easily overlooked and often become individualistic musings that fail to attract readers.  And if they do obtain responses, the commentary is hidden and readily ignored by those who choose not to follow the comment link.  By contrast, contributions to wiki pages are readily apparent because any changes or additions appear within the pages themselves, rather than relegated to discrete pages.  More importantly, the appearance of the wiki more closely resembles the typical fable manuscript, which often combined the text and its commentary on the same page. 
            Because of this shared accumulative feature, I experimented with "late-medieval fabular reading" in a commentary assignment, which required that students in my "Understanding Literature" course post commentaries on course texts to a wiki, which I playfully called "Romancing the Tome."[41]  Students selected passages from the texts we were reading from week to week and posted short responses, which could take a variety of forms: "a series of discussion questions, an exploratory interpretation, a creative revision, an explanation of the historical background, a comparison of the text to others on the syllabus."[42]  And once a student had posted a commentary to the page, subsequent visitors would add their own responses, contributing what I called a "commentary upon a commentary."[43]  For example, in response to J.R.R. Tolkien's The Hobbit, one student posted a commentary, which suggested some connections between Bilbo's ring and the holy grail of medieval romance.  This commentary inspired a number of responses, which included a comparison of language used to describe green eyes in The Hobbit and Alfred, Lord Tennyson's poem "Holy Grail," Bilbo's motivations for concealing the ring, the influence of the events of World War I on Tolkien's writing, and even a challenge to the first commentator's ring-grail connection.[44]  I could detect traces of classroom discussion in almost all of the wiki contributions, which must have germinated outside of the classroom until they could fully flower on the wiki pages.  The wiki allowed students the chance to elaborate upon topics that they could only begin to address in class discussion.
            I have come to believe that both our city mice here at UMass Boston and the country mice on more rural campuses need to find common spaces, besides the T, to "commute."  While social networking has given rise to one kind of controversial "instant message" and offers many new and difficult challenges to academic discourse, I think that the "instant messages" we have come to expect from fabular, and quite frankly most literary interpretation, can be interrogated through a historically situated understanding of models of collaborative knowledge production, such as late-medieval commentary and wiki-writing.  Moreover, the virtues of elaboration, which are often difficult to pursue within the classroom, can be tapped in the extramural environments of blogs and wikis.  Rather than flee to the countryside and limit our diets to printed books, I suggest that we be willing to risk the dangers of digital consumption.  After all, the city mouse may be right when he says, "you could never find such delicious food as this anywhere else in the world."                   

                                
                               
                  
           


[1] Aesop's Fables, trans. Laura Gibbs (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 190-1.
[2] Charlton T. Lewis and Charles Short, A Latin Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1879).
[3] For a reception history of Aesop's fables through the Middle Ages, see Gibbs, Aesop's Fables and her incredible website, "Aesopica: Aesop's Fables in English, Latin, and Greek" at http://www.mythfolklore.net/aesopica (January 18, 2011); Ben Edwin Perry, Aesopica (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1952); Perry, ed. and trans., Babrius and Phaedrus (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1965); Klaus Grubmüller, Meister Esopus: Untersuchungen zu Geschichte und Funktion der Fabel im Mittelalter (München: Artemis Verlag, 1977); Aaron Wright, The Fables of "Walter of England" (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1997); Wright, "Hie lert uns der meister": Latin Commentary and the German Fable, 1350-1500 (Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2001); Edward Wheatley, Mastering Aesop: Medieval Education, Chaucer, and His Followers (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000).
[4] Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Codex Vindobonensis Palatinus 303.
[5] The elegiac Romulus was composed by one Walter of England, also known as the Anonymous Neveleti.  See Edward Wheatley, "The Aesopic Corpus Divided Against Itself: A Literary Body and Its Members," Journal of the Early Book Society for the Study of Manuscripts and Printing History 2 (1999): 46-72.
[6] Willene B. Clark, A Medieval Book of Beasts: The Second-Family Bestiary: Commentary, Art, Text, and Translation (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2006), 103.  This teaching technique is described by Quintillian in Institutio oratoria 1.9.2 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980), 157.  See also Suzanne Reynolds, Medieval Reading: Grammar, Rhetoric, and Classical Text (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 8-11; Kristine Haney, The Saint Albans Psalter (New York: Peter Lang, 2002), 186-8, 190-4; Frank Barlow, The English Church, 1066-1154: A History of the Anglo-Norman Church (London: Longman, 1979), 238-42.
[7] Wheatley, Mastering Aesop, 19.
[8] San Marino, Huntington Library, 102140.
[9] The first edition was printed in Basel by Jakob Wolff von Pforzarim (Huntington Library 110966).  For a discussion of this new Brant-Steinhöwel compilation, see Pack Carnes, "Heinrich Steinhöwel and the Sixteenth-Century Fable Tradition," Humanistica Lovaniensia: A Journal of Neo-Latin Studies 35 (1986): 1-29, at 5.
[10] Carnes, "Heinrich Steinhöwel and the Sixteenth-Century Fable Tradition," 4. 
[11] Léopold Hervieux, ed., Les Fabulistes Latins depuis le siècle d'Auguste jusqu'a la fin du moyen âge, vol. 2 (New York: Burt Franklin, 1960), 602-19; William Caxton, Caxton's Aesop, ed. R.T. Lenaghan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), 4; Wheatley, Mastering Aesop, 19.
[12] Bengt Holbek, Æsops levned og fabler: Christiern Pedersens oversættelse af Stainhöwels Æsop, vol. 2 (Copenhagen: J.H. Schultz, 1962), 117; Theodore S. Beardsley, Jr., Hispano-Classical Translations Printed between 1482 and 1699 (Pittsburgh: Duquesne University Press, 1970), 20-1; John E. Keller and Richard P. Kincade, Iconography in Medieval Spanish Literature (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1984), 93; Wheatley, Mastering Aesop, 19.
[13] Wright, 'Hie lert uns der meister', xxiii.  For more on the limitations of the Aesopus moralizatus, see A.E. Wright, "Readers and Wolves: Late-Medieval Commentaries on 'De lupo et capite'," Journal of Medieval Latin 8 (1998): 72-9; Thomas Cramer, "Æsopi wolff," in Festschrift Walter Haug und Burghart Wachinger, eds. Johannes Janota et al. (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1995), 955-66.
[14] Ibid., 62.
[15] Klosterneuburg, Stiftsbibliothek, Codex Claustroneoburgensis 1093.
[16] Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Codex Vindobonensis Palatinus 3235. 
[17] Carinthia, Stiftsbibliothek, Codex S. Pauli in Carinthia 255/4
[18] Edward Wheatley, "The 'Fabulae' of Walter of England, the Medieval Scholastic Tradition, and the British Vernacular Fable," Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1991.  For further discussion of the central role of commentary, see Wright, 'Hie lert uns der meister', xvii-xviii. 
[19] Aesop's Fables, trans. Gibbs, 208.
[20] Copenhagen, Gl. Kgl. Saml., 1905 4o.  See Wright's reading of this manuscript in 'Hie lert uns der meister', 23.  It's also apparent that this commentator, or a previous scribe, misread cornicem, which means "crow", as coturnicem, which means "quail."
[21] Ibid., 24.
[22] Hervieux refers to this "Liber Catonianus" manuscript by its former shelf mark, MS LXXXVIII, Class. XI.  See Les Fabulistes Latins, vol. 1, 595.  For a discussion of this distich, see Wheatley, Mastering Aesop, 67-9. 
[23] Wrocław, Bibl. univ., ms. cod. Q.126.  See Wright, 'Hie lert uns der meister', 25.
[24] Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Preußischer Kulturbestiz, cod. Q 536.  Similar admonitions can be found in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm 391, fol. 29v and Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, cpv 15071, fol. 68v.  See Wright, 'Hie lert uns der meister', 26.  
[25] Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, cgm 3974.  See Wright, 'Hie lert uns der meister', 26.
[26] Budapest, Magyar nemzeti múzeum, ms. lat. med. aev. 123 (referring to Prov. 24:5: "vir sapiens et fortis est et vir doctus robustus et validus.")  See Wright, 'Hie lert uns der meister', 26.
[27] Prague, Universitní Knihovna, ms. 546.  See Wright, 'Hie lert uns der meister', 28.
[28] Ibid., 29.
[29] Ibid., 29.
[30] Erfurt, Stadtbücherei, Amplon.Q.21.  See Wright, 'Hie lert uns der meister', 41.
[31] "Novus Avianus," Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm 14703; and Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, cpv 303; edited in Hervieux, Les fabulistes latins, vol. 3, 443, line 10.  For further discussion of this version, see Wright, 'Hie lert uns der meister', 41.
[32] Ibid., 41. 
[33]Documentum de modo et arte dictandi et versificandi, ed. Edmond Faral, in Les artes poétiques du xiie et xiiie siècle.  Bibliothèque de l'école des hautes éstudes, 238 (Paris: Champion, 1924; repr. Geneva: Slatkine, 1982), 265-320, at 283.  See also Wright, who makes this connection in 'Hie lert uns der meister', 41.
[34] J.A. Burrow, "Henryson: The Preaching of the Swallow," Essays in Criticism 25 (1975): 25-37, at 35.  For a similar critique, see James Kinsley, Scottish Poetry.  A Critical Survey (London, Cassell, 1955), 18.  On the opposite extreme is Arnold Clayton Henderson's "Having Fun with the Moralities: Henryson's Fables and Late-Medieval Fable Innovation," Studies in Scottish Literature 32 (2001), 67-87.  For a more measured response, see Jill Mann's From Aesop to Reynard: Beast Literature in Medieval Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 262-305.
[35] My quotations are taken from Denton Fox's edition, The Poems of Robert Henryson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981).
[36] Henderson, "Having Fun with the Moralities," 72-3; Douglas Gray, Robert Henryson (Leiden: Brill, 1979), 129; Marianne Powell, Fabula docet: Studies in the Background and Interpretation of Henryson's Morall Fabillis, Odense University Studies in English 6 (Odense: Odense University Press, 1983), 181; Phillipa M. Bright, "Henryson's Figurative Technique in The Cock and the Jasp" in Words and Wordsmiths.  A Volume for H.L. Rogers, ed. Geraldine Barnes, John Gunn, Sonya Jensen, and Lee Jobling (Sydney: University of Sydney Press, 1989), 13-21, at 20.  Mann alternatively suggests that "these phrases bring the moralizing narrator, and particularly his intellectual ingenuity, to the forefront of our attention."  See From Aesop to Reynard, 295.
[37] Roland Barthes, S/Z, trans. Richard Miller (New York: Hill and Wang, 1974), 4.
[38] Martin Foys, Virtually Anglo-Saxon: Old Media, New Media, and Early Medieval Studies in the Late Age of Print (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007), 40.
[39] Barthes, S/Z, 4.
[40] Theodor H. Nelson, Literary Machines (Swarthmore, Pennsylvania: Self-published, 1981), 0/2.  For an extensive discussion of "literary" hypertext, see George Landow, Hypertext 3.0: Critical Theory and New Media in an Era of Globalization (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006), 2-6.
[41] "Wiki Commentary Assignment," Romancing the Tome, http://engl200-mueller.wikispaces.umb.edu/ (accessed on January 27, 2011).
[42] Ibid.
[43] "How do I comment upon a commentary?" Romancing the Tome, http://engl200-mueller.wikispaces.umb.edu/How+do+I+comment+on+a+commentary%3F (accessed on January 27, 2011).
[44] "The Hobbit 1-7," Romancing the Tome, http://engl200-mueller.wikispaces.umb.edu/The+Hobbit+1-7 (accessed January 27, 2011.

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